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Finishing off Kayihura

Gen. Kale Kayihura and Lt.Gen. Henry Tumumukunde . INTERNET/PHOTO

Kandiho Vs Kayihura

Although the tension between Kayihura and Kandiho has not been as open as between Kayiura and Kaka or Akullo, it has been the biggest factor in Kayihura’s down fall, according to insiders.

Those close to Kayihura feel that Kandiho has almost single-handedly brought down the former police chief.

Kandiho’s name first hit headlines when he was named head of CMI in January 2017. Kaka was appointed Director General of ISO at the same time. The two joined former Security Minister, Henry Tumukunde, to form a camp Kayihura considered hostile.

They are all protégés of President Museveni’s influential brother, Gen. Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh and the mission given to them appears to have been to uproot Kayihura and his associates from police and, if possible, prosecute and jail them.   According to this narrative, Kaweesi was the anointed Kayihura successor. But then he was assassinated and the game plan changed and also gained pace.

Historically, the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) has always been on top of Uganda’s security system controlling both internal and external security. The UPDF also controlled intelligence through control of ISO and CMI—military officers have always headed these entities.

And at every turn in his 32 years in power, President Museveni has had an enforcer in one of the security agencies.

These enforcers are notable for crashing threats to Museveni’s power. In his tenure, Kayihura had dealt with many of the security chiefs that had become a problem for President Museveni.

For instance, when former ISO boss, Jim Muhwezi got into trouble with Museveni, it is Kayihura who raided his home commanding other soldiers in an effort to arrest him.

Again when former Security Minister Lt. Gen. Henry Tumukunde got into problems and was charged offences of abuse of office and spreading harmful propaganda, it is Kayihura who commanded at least 50 soldiers to arrest him.

Tumukunde was then driven to a military detention facility, where he was incarcerated for nearly 2 years.

Kayihura was also instrumental in the downfall of former Coordinator of Intelligence Services, Gen. David Sejusa.

Gen. Kayihura is said to have gathered intelligence showing that Sejusa was planning to overthrow Museveni. Sejusa would later in 2013 run into exile in London before reconciling with Museveni and returning two years later.

Kayihura’s fourth victim was former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi. More than anyone else, Kayihura is said to have provided the decisive intelligence that exposed how Mbabazi was planning to overthrow his boss. Kayihura then led the effort to infiltrate and neutralize Mbabazi’s political networks ahead of the 2016 elections.

Apart from the four, Kayihura has been the biggest frustration to perennial Museveni challenger, FDC’s Kizza Besigye.

Before Kayihura, CMI had been Museveni’s enforcement in the late 90s to early 2000s. That was the period when the late Brig. Noble Mayombo was at its helm. Mayombo replaced Tumukunde.

At the time, CMI was not only central in cracking down on hard criminals and terrorists; it was at the centre of the politics and would hound Museveni’s opponents.

Indeed, opposition leaders like FDC’s Kizza Besigye experienced their baptism of fire under Mayombo.

A staunch loyalist to Museveni, Mayombo would stop at nothing to protect the President’s power. In 2001, Mayombo oversaw the brutal arrest of his younger brother, Okwiri Rwabwoni, at Entebbe airport in 2001 on his way to West Nile to campaign alongside Besigye. Mayombo would later be appointed Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Defence before dying in what was feared to be a murder in May 2007.

After Mayombo, CMI was never the same. That is how Kayihura rose.

Kayihura expanded his influence by patronising networks of known criminals some of whom he integrated into the police, groups like crime preventers and Boda 2010, a group of thousands of boda boda cyclists.

He became so effective at crushing the opposition that he has told confidantes that by the time he left, the opposition did not appear capable of successfully mobilising. Indeed, the last serious opposition protests by the opposition were the walk to work protests in 2011.

Having conquered internal politics, Kayihura had also emerged a major player in regional politics—occasionally entering arrangements with the police leadership of South Sudan and Rwanda. That is where he and Kandiho met.

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