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Behind the coup in Mali

Democracy (and pseudo democracy) evangelists make the wrong assumption that there exists a democratic alternative to incumbent autocratic governments. Yet often, many opposition groups are fighting for power, only using slogans of democracy and freedom to win (largely) international support.

Secondly, in our evangelical pursuit of democracy, we ignore the many prerequisites that make it work in some societies and not in others. There is a suffocating belief among democracy (and pseudo democracy) evangelists today that it is possible to democratise governments anytime, anywhere and under any circumstances. Indeed, many people believe that the fall of tyranny leads to the inevitable conquest of democracy. Yet most historic experience shows that the end of tyranny can lead to anarchy (Somalia, Liberia, Uganda in 1979, etc.) or to renewed tyranny (Eritrea, Ethiopia, etc.).

Democracy (and pseudo democracy) evangelists make the wrong assumption that there exists a democratic alternative to incumbent autocratic governments. Yet often, many opposition groups are fighting for power, only using slogans of democracy and freedom to win (largely) international support. We see this in Uganda in both Defiance, led by Dr. Kizza Besigye, and People Power led by Bobi Wine. Yet both these movements, though very popular among the urban poor, are radical extremist cults intolerant of dissent.

In his famous essay Representative Government, John Stuart Mill, identified three things vital for its success. First, people must be willing to accept it. Second, they must be willing and able to do what is necessary for its preservation. Third, they should be able to fulfill its duties and discharge the functions, which it imposes on them. But doing these three things imposes heavy demands on leaders and citizens alike. As American political scientist Jeanne Kirkpatrick argued in her famous book Dictatorships and Double Standards – shese are demands for participation and restraint, for consensus and compromise. So leaders in a democracy must be skilled at finding and/or creating common ground among diverse points of view and interests and willing to compromise on all but the most basic values.

Democracy also needs an appropriate political culture and public institutions strong enough to channel and contain conflict. The higher the level of economic prosperity, education attainment, national socialisation and urbanisation, the better would be the chances of democratic consolidation. The fact that Malians can celebrate a military coup against an elected government shows how shallow the democratic impulse is in that country. This was even more tragic in 2012 because the government of Toure was overthrown a few months from an election where the incumbent president was not going to be a candidate.

The most impoverished area of debate about Africa concerns its politics. As our own Prof. Mahmoud Mamdani has argued, while our problems are local and the demands to solve them are locally generated, when it comes to designing a solution we retreat to textbook theories published in London and New York, themselves explaining the experience of Europe and North America. That is why we dichotomise governments as democratic or autocratic, ignoring the many nuances that shape how leaders act by domesticating alien institutions on a very specific reality.

Democracy is not an event but a journey; traversed at a creep, not a gallop. Democratic development does not follow a continuously raising curve, as does the growth of an individual, but follows a ragged path – three steps forward, two steps back. The history of the West is a good reference point. From the Magna Carta to the establishment of modern democratic institutions in Britain took 700 years. From the French Revolution of 1789 to the democracy of the 5th French republic took 170 years. America’s own democratic journey has lasted 250 years and been characterised by a long civil war (which ended slavery) and an even longer civil rights movement to give black people the right to vote.

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amwenda@independent.co.ug

5 comments

  1. People confuse politics with football and in fact are more tolerant of each other in football than they are in politics. What we have here is thirst for power and higher pay.
    When that musician sang, muzei bizeemu, we got so lost in the humor, indignation and evasive rhetoric (pardon my misuse of the word), that we lost all the actual parallels that could be drawn.
    People were being killed. Not by state admittedly but none the less, it was back. There were kidnappings and safe houses have made a return. Back then, our parents used to brag about being, ”permanent and pensionable”, when talking about working for government. Now it is pensionable and somewhat permanent if you play your cards right.
    What I am trying to say is we have come full circle. The revolution is a success!!
    My younger generation grew to look with scorn at government jobs but now in this time of COVID, those “permanent and pensionable” jobs are the only certainty.
    Everyone is not only trying to get in but many are trying to control who gets in.
    We have lost touch or sight of what’s really important for uganda today and uganda tomorrow. We are fixated on what we want today.
    Today we see people more focused on removing President Museveni than looking at what they want to replace him with. It’s a lie we believe and keep on believing.
    When we consider the three things you mentioned earlier: the people willing to accept the vision, people willing to defend the vision, and the ability to carry out the requirements to deliver on said vision , you find that the best candidates score at best two out of three.
    No body articulates the requirements or shares a plan.
    A mere mosquito or errant sneeze from a peon could, god forbid, achieve the visions most people espouse. Heck even a simple tumble down the steps!!!
    The problem isn’t leadership. It’s the sheep.

  2. So Mr Mwenda, in your opinion you seem to suggest that UN, AU, & ECOWAS plus many other observers and political commentators shouldn’t have “hurried” to congratulate and welcome Mali for that brief period when they transited from military coups to democratic elections! Just like a newly born child, ordinarIly, the family and community at large welcomes that child with warm hands; but no one ever knows how that child will progress in life because along the way it could be attacked by polio, tetanus, measles or even any kind of accident thereby causing unforeseen deformities! Does that disprove the family, friends and the community who welcomed this otherwise innocent child born free of such deformities? I find it fascinating when you despise democracy and it’s proponents who you often casually refer to as “pseudo democrats” but at the end you never suggest that best alternative to it! You again naively ridicule presidential term limits in Africa as not enough safeguards for democracy; ask the people of Kenya, Tanzania, Ghana, Nigeria, Liberia, Sierra Leon, Zambia, Malawi, South Africa, Cape Verde etcetera, whether they are reaping any democratic benefits accruing from presidential term limits in their respective constitutions or, not!

  3. A good analysis however am of the view that examples and experiences from western scholars do not aptly capture the process of democracy I would suggest that you look at the Indian model to capture the situation in Africa. Thanks.

  4. I am resigned to the biblical teaching that “all leadership comes from God” just imagine the advantages COVID-19 has bestowed on the incumbent in the run up to 2021 elections!Let the man rule until he is tired, in the meantime we shutup and just “make lemonade”

  5. 1. France and Belgium did not do a thorough job during colonization actually most of the nations they colonized like Mail,Congo,Central African Republic,Rwanda are a total mess actually the common wealth nations in Africa received a better deal especially in the economic and social sectors.
    2.Most of the territories of the former french colonies in Africa are a fertile ground for wars because they have rich minerals which are in areas controlled by warlords who are funded by the French government;actually the French soldiers have enjoyed themselves in that at times the French soldiers even crown Beauty Queens.
    3.I like the way South Africa has surrendered democracy to Africans coz they know thats their territory while the economy is managed by the whites.I find this a good thing coz the economy of S.Africa is not affected by politics.
    4.Uganda is not so economically stable because we dont have companies and individuals who can hold the country economically at ransom incase of war unlike Kenya,Nigeria and South Africa.
    5.Africans have now discovered the formular for democracy i.e numbers matter;this is a bad mentality coz the educated,civilizied are fewer compared to the less privileged;big headed,indiscipline chaps;this begs the question how do we create a middle ground for the rich and poor?what will they bring to the table despite their lack of exposure?( They dont even know that there are golf shoes)Can we develop a policy that caters for the poor to participate in policy formulation?

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