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The White Man’s Burden

How the West seeks to dominate poor countries using the language of democracy and human rights

THE LAST WORD | Andrew M. Mwenda |  We return to EU ambassadors expressing concern over human rights abuses by the Uganda government at a meeting with Gen. Salim Saleh last month. The German ambassador made a spirited case on how this is damaging Uganda’s reputation. There is nothing wrong with what he said. But I find it intriguing that a German ambassador is more concerned about Uganda’s image than Uganda’s leaders. Talk of mourning more than the bereaved. Why do Europeans care more about us than we do ourselves? And it comes to them naturally, subconsciously, and even unconsciously.

Modern international law is based on the principle of sovereign equality among states. This demands noninterference in the internal affairs of other countries. This principle, created by the Peace of Westphalia, ended the universalist claims of the Holy Roman Empire. Under the higher sovereignty of the Catholic Church, the Roman Emperor could exercise authority over other entities. Westphalia sought to preserve cultural and civilizational distinctiveness as a defense of sovereign equality.

Yet Europeans respected this principle among themselves only. Beyond Europe, they exercised a hegemonic order based on sovereign inequality, a relationship of superior and inferior nations. Here, the rules that applied to international relations among European states were not applied in relations between European states and others outside Europe. To justify this, Europeans invented intellectual and ideological arguments for this.

In his poem, The White Man’s Burden, British author Rudyard Kipling used the analogy of the jungle versus the garden to describe international affairs. He argued that civilized and barbaric people do not have the same claim to sovereignty. The garden represents the civilized, where nations abide by rules and norms, engage in diplomacy, and cooperate for the greater good. The jungle represents an anarchic and chaotic world, a dangerous and unpredictable place in which only the strongest survive.

Kipling presented sovereign inequality as the remedial solution to sovereign equality. He argued that it was the duty of the virtuous gardener (the European) to cultivate the jungle (Africa, Asia, Latin America) to make it a garden. This was the white man’s burden. Hence colonialism was presented as a civilizing mission. White people came claiming to seek to liberate us from the tyranny of our customs and the despotism of our chiefs. And nowhere is propaganda more effective [and dangerous] than when it uses [and abuses] obvious facts—because these claims were not entirely false.

Yet the aims of the colonialists were different from those openly stated. However, many Africans then, like today, genuinely believed these tall tales. Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart recounts this encounter and the confusion it generated. In Uganda, Semei Kakungulu fought with the British against Omukama Kabalega and Kabaka Mwanga. These collaborators adopted European practices and converted to Christianity. As a reward, they were given access to the benefits of modernity: Western education and official positions in the colonial state. But colonialism engendered the worst European practices in Africa: genocide, racial discrimination, land alienation, extortionate taxation, and forced labor.

Without the active collaboration of African elites, colonialism would not have gained a foothold on our continent. Colonialism did not win because it had superior weapons of military conquest. Such victory would have been tenuous. It won because it convinced African elites that it came to serve our own good. Indeed, no system of governance can survive purely by force. It needs an ideological justification, hence the role of the claims of a “civilizing mission” in entrenching colonialism.

The propaganda tools for European hegemony have been sharpened. Today’s civilizing mission is the claim to promote democracy, human rights, development, good governance, etc. These are presented as “universal values” that should justify disregard for international law, which prohibits interference in the internal affairs of nations. It is incredible that 120 years later, African elite have not seen through this façade. They still look to the white man as savior. We have our domestic problems, no doubt. But these cannot and will never be solved by European intervention. Only Africans, through their struggles, can solve our problems.

There is a much bigger problem with Western hegemonic ambitions. Many Europeans, following the idea of “perpetual peace” by German philosopher Immanuel Kant, believe that by spreading democracy, the world reduces the risk of war. The problem with democratic peace theory is that it pits the world between good governments and evil regimes. The West believes that they are morally superior and therefore have a moral duty to spread and defend democracy and human rights everywhere. This presents a contradiction; the essence of democracy is to criticize and constrain power. But here democracy is being used to extend Western power.

This is the crisis we face in international relations today. Since the end of the first Cold War, the West has used claims of spreading democracy and defending human rights to invade other countries: Libya, Somalia, Serbia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Yemen, etc., Governments have been toppled, and states have collapsed, leaving anarchy, all in the name of human rights and democracy. Yet this “responsibility to protect” has only been used against those governments that are not friendly to the West. Brutal dictatorships friendly to the West are protected with arms, technology, and military bases by the West.

Even claims of democracy are dubious. Who defines democracy? The West. Who then decides which country is democratic and which is a dictatorship? The West. Who decides which country’s sovereignty or territorial integrity should be violated in the name of democracy, human rights, and/or the right of self-determination? The West. The West writes the rules of international law. It becomes the accuser, the investigator, the prosecutor, the judge, the jury, and the executioner of a sentence. How is this democratic, fair, or just? The collective West, with only 20% of the world’s population, seeks to dictate to the rest with 80% of the world population. How is that democratic—by any stretch of the imagination?

We must remember that Europeans and their cousins in North America have interests. These interests are not always consistent with our own. Europeans cannot promote these interests through naked aggression. They need a seemingly universal ideology to justify their interventions; hence, they claim to promote democracy and human rights. We should not be fooled by high-sounding slogans that mask insidious motives. If Europeans genuinely believed in such ideals, they would not be sponsoring a genocide in Gaza. They would not be humiliating Africans trying to travel to their countries and causing their deaths on the oceans. I rest my case.

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amwenda@ugindependent.co.ug

 

 

 

 

 

4 comments

  1. You just need Museveni to sell off the entire country’s economy to foreign interests, strip it to the core, and position his incompetent son to take over as the next president. Meanwhile, journalists who lack integrity like Andrew to aggressively defend the interests of Museveni’s family rule, while silencing local journalists who still uphold some level of integrity. However much the defense, when the president cheaply sells the county’s economy, favour the economic interests of foreigners while doing everything to suffocate his own people, as long as the country and people remain poor and dependent on foreign money, they will always lecture and control them. Chinese are quiet but they hold low value of Africans than even the West. Museveni talks about Pan-Africanism, yet he has hollowed out his country and sold it piece by piece. Nearly 40 years in power, and Uganda still looks the way it doe? what a shame! Spirited Ugandans should not rely on worn out excuses that no longer apply to the current situation. Instead, they must continue the struggle with courage and determination. Support against the entrenchment of a dictatorial family rule is both necessary and appreciated.

  2. Godfrey Kambere

    You still miss the point. Just stop to think.A group of Ambassadors travel to meet one General to breach a taboo subject. First ask why did they move as a group? Why not meet the president himself
    And in similar circumstances would a group of African Ambassadors I a foreign country seek to meet an official over issues of mutual concern say mistreatment of labourers in the middle East? and the only response from the best scribe is a worn exposition dated 1986!
    In one of your once popular talks shows you kept pinning the late Nobel Mayombo about a certain Takenzire was he ever found?

  3. Andrew M9’s usual crap! Talking of sovereignty of states, he shouts at Europeans or the Western world for total disregard of international law by way of invading small poor countries especially in Africa such as somalia, Libya among others. Yet when Tibuhaburwa and Paul Kagame disregard the same international law to Democrat Republic of Congo, or south Sudan M9 justifies that with very dubious reasons that it’s for territorial security of invading countries. What an irony! M9 condemns Israel for invading Gaza strip and calls it conducting genecide, but Tibuhaburwa dictatorship conducts an unlawful incursion in South Sudan to cleanse the anti establishment, causes uncalled for deaths M9 is quiet.
    And he’s happy to see Tibuhaburwa massacring, jailing ugangans for their only crime of opposing him politically.
    M9 probably churns out such garbage because he thinks non of his relatives will one day become easy prey to Tibuhaburwa’s dictatorship. Hogwash article

  4. WAIRA JOEL BRIAN

    Andrew Mwenda presents a strong critique of Western involvement in African affairs, arguing that Western nations use democracy and human rights as ideological tools to justify interference. His position raises valid concerns about sovereignty, historical patterns of intervention, and Africa’s internal governance struggles. However, his argument contains several key flaws that warrant examination. Mwenda suggests that Western nations interfere solely for self-serving reasons. While it is true that international relations often prioritize strategic interests, his argument ignores instances where external involvement has led to tangible benefits. Humanitarian aid, medical assistance, and infrastructure development are examples of interventions that have positively impacted African nations. Viewing all Western engagement through a lens of manipulation oversimplifies complex international relations. Mwenda rightly points out historical Western interference, but he underplays the role of African leaders in governance issues. Corruption, poor economic management, and political repression are factors that undermine African progress—often without direct Western involvement. By placing disproportionate blame on external forces, his argument absolves African elites of accountability for the continent’s struggles. While championing sovereignty, Mwenda acknowledges that African elites historically aided colonial expansion and continue to align with Western powers today. This suggests that sovereignty is frequently compromised by local leadership, rather than being purely undermined by Western interests. His argument would be stronger if it addressed how African nations can balance sovereignty with the reality of global diplomacy. Mwenda references colonialism to support his argument but does not acknowledge global shifts since African independence. While colonial legacies persist, post-independence African states exercise agency in shaping their policies and global relationships. Many nations have successfully navigated international partnerships, demonstrating that not all Western interactions are exploitative. His argument portrays the West as the sole force dictating international affairs, overlooking the role of emerging global players like China, Russia, and India. The modern world order is increasingly multipolar, with African states engaging in diverse international partnerships beyond Western influence. The assumption that Europe and North America operate unchallenged is an oversimplification. Mwenda’s critique is powerful, but he does not propose viable solutions to African governance challenges. If Western influence is problematic, what is the alternative? How should Africa establish governance models that ensure stability, human rights, and development while maintaining sovereignty? Rejecting foreign intervention without providing a functional framework for self-governance weakens his argument. Mwenda raises important concerns about sovereignty and Western influence, but his argument leans heavily on historical grievances while downplaying African agency. While external actors play a role in shaping Africa’s political landscape, local governance failures and strategic alliances must also be critically examined. Moving forward, Africa’s political discourse must balance resistance to foreign domination with proactive strategies for self-determined development.

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