Tuesday 7th of February 2012 04:35:27 PM
 
 
 
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Special Report

Licensed killers

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How the state protects those who kill for it

Since Jan. 22, when a Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) operation to demolish illegal structures in Port Bell Luzira left at least one person dead and several injured, an angry public has demanded tough action against the killers. Many say the killings are the latest by “untouchable” government operatives and a sign of a return to the dark days of Idi Amin when security operatives committed murder with impunity.

But those seeking justice appear to have suffered a setback when one of the main suspects in the murder case, KCCA Planning Director, George Ninsima Agaba, was released from custody on police bond and without charge.  The Director of Public Prosecutions office reportedly advised the police that charges against him were not sustainable. The DPP’s action has been criticised by the Uganda Law Society (ULS) which announced it would prosecute Agaba for his role in the murders if the DPP does not.

 


The saga started on Jan. 22, when Agaba, who is in charge of the KCCA demolition squad arrived in Luzira with any army of enforcement staff wielding claw bars, sticks, and batons and ordered his bulldozers to start razing  structures that had allegedly been erected without authorization. The condemned structures included roadside kiosks and stalls, and residential houses. Newspaper reports said the demolished buildings housed between 60 and 70 families. KCCA claims they were erected on a road reserve.

 

Area local administration leaders said the evictions were carried out with notice to them, the police, and the victims.

During the eviction, a dismayed crowd pleaded with Agaba to halt the evictions for a few minutes to let them salvage some household property but he refused.

“We gave you 28 days eviction notice. We can’t accept anything,” Agaba told the pleading residents.

Soon gunshots were fired as desperate victims threw themselves at the enforcement officers; soon four people lay on the ground. One was dead, while the other three were seriously wounded. The gun that shot them, an AK47 automatic rifle, was Agaba’s. He picked it from his truck and attempted to fire it when the mayhem erupted.  Although the gun jammed when Agaba tried to fire it, his bodyguard, Santos Komakech Makmot, was more successful when he took hold of it.

Video news footage of Santos Komakech Makmot shooting at unarmed civilians gives the impression he was enjoying himself with sadistic glee. Clad in blue jeans pants and long-sleeved white shirt Makmot shot one dead and left three wounded in a twinkling of an eye. When the AK47 run out of ammo, Makmot, with an aura of satisfaction, remembered he also had a pistol at the hip under his shirt. He pulled it out and fired off a few volleys.

Many who saw the video are angry that only Makmot was remanded to Luzira Maximum prison and Agaba, the one who handed him the gun has been let free. It is alleged that Agaba, like others before him who have committed heinous crimes but walked off scot-free, has powerful godfathers in the government.

The brandishing of guns by state operatives like Makmot and Agaba has recently become all too common. Characteristically, the security operatives dress up in civilian clothes.

Another memorable recent incident involved Gilbert Arinaitwe, who publically brutalised Uganda’s opposition leader Kizza Besigye at Mulago Roundabout on April 28, 2011 in scenes that shook the world. An observer asked: If they can torture such a prominent person in broad daylight and under the glare of media cameras, local and international, what heinous crimes do they not commit in their chambers; the so-called “safe houses”?

Around the same time Arinaitwe tortured Besigye, a two-year old baby was shot in the arms of her mother in Masaka. They were locked up inside their house as marauding security operatives hunted down protesters. One of the security operatives, later identified as Paul Mugenyi, aimed his gun at the closed door and fired. The baby died. Mugenyi walked away scot-free.

When the royal burial grounds of the Buganda kingdom, the Kasubi Tombs which are a UNESCO heritage site, were burnt in March 2010 at least three civilians lost their lives after plain clothed security operatives shot at the crowds. Cameras caught plain clothed operatives pointing pistols at the unarmed civilians. This was before President Yoweri Museveni visited the scene. In the shootout that followed, 3 civilians were shot dead; the culprits are yet to be brought to book.

The government instituted a commission of inquiry but its findings have not been made public neither has any security personnel been brought before the military court martial. When then- head of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence, Maj. Gen. James Mugira, appeared before the inquiry, he identified one of the commanders as Capt. Napoleon Namanya who denied he fired his gun.

In 2009 more than 27 people were shot dead by Uganda security operatives as demonstration over the government decision to block the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, from visiting Kayunga district.  Nobody was charged over the killings.

In all these cases, the perpetrators of these acts have neither been brought to courts of law nor been severely punished. In 2005 a military squad baptized “black mamba” attacked the High Court in Kampala to re-arrest PRA suspects who had been granted bail.  The security operatives assaulted some of the suspects and their lawyers. But the despicable actions of the black mamba, condemned as a “rape of the temple of justice” by one the judges, went unpunished as the government shielded the squad. Usually, the attacks are against opposition politicians, especially those from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) of Besigye.

After the Agaba incident, FDC’s Deputy Spokesman, Toterebuka Bamwenda, told The Independent: “We condemn the act and the culture of killings by armed men in civilian attire. We demand that police institutes strict rules on the use of firearms. We also demand that security agencies immediately cease the deployment of plain-clothed officers for covert operations”.

The impunity of Uganda’s overzealous security operatives and the failure of the government to either restrain them or bring them to book is being contrasted with the responsibility taken by Kenya’s president Mwai Kibaki who suspended the Deputy Chief Justice, Nancy Baraza, for bruising a supermarket guard, Rebecca Kerubo, and threatening her with a gun.  Baraza had refused to be searched, a routine security measure after increase in Al Shabaab attacks in Kenya. The suspension of Baraza clearly showed that no one is above the law in Kenya and justice should be served to all regardless of whatever their station on earth.

But Uganda seems not to be learning any lessons. George Agaba, who pulled the gun from the car in attempt to shoot at the unarmed civilians, seems to be on his way off the hook.

 

Briefs on cases of individual operatives

Jan. 2012: Police officer Santos Komakech Makmot shot at unarmed civilians killing one and injuring three others instead of shooting in the air to disperse the crowd. He is now remanded in Luzira prison but his boss George Agaba who handed him the gun was released on police bond.

April 2011: Gilbert Arinaitwe viciously attacked Besigye in April 2011 temporarily blinding him leading to hospitalization in full glare of cameras. Arinaitwe is a free man and no known punishment has been meted out on him.

April 2011: Peter Bimanywa, the operations commander of the Masaka Reserve Force, was arrested for commanding the soldiers that indiscriminately shot at Walk-to-Work protesters in April 2011 that left 2 year-old baby Julian Nalwanga dead.

April 2011: Paul Mugenyi, a reserve force operative attached to Masaka Reserve Force central barracks was arrested in connection with baby Julian Nalwanga’s death. After the murder police boss Lt. Gen. Kale Kayihura paraded Mugenyi to the residents at the home of Aloysius Walusimbi promising that he would be charged in the court martial and left the bereaved family with Shs 1 million. But Mugenyi and Bimanywa are yet to be court-martialed.

2006: Lt. Ramathan Magara randomly shot at a crowd of Dr Kizza Besigye’s supporters at Bulange Mengo during the 2006 presidential campaigns,

February 4, 2001: A vehicle with government registration plates deliberately drove into a crowd of Col Besigye’s supporters at Namanve, fourteen kilometers outside of Kampala. Three people were killed and eleven injured. The driver of the vehicle walked away scot-free.killing two people and permanently maiming two others. Lt. Magara, who had evaded a high court trial for three years, was later arrested, prosecuted and sentenced to 14 years in jail in 2009. Magara had been charged with two counts; murder and attempted murder. He was accused of murdering Gideon Makabayi and Vincent Kavuma and attempting to murder Haruna Byamukama. But Justice Wilson Kwesiga reduced the charges to manslaughter. Until then cases of indiscriminate and random public shootings of civilians by security personnel were rare outside the war zone of northern Uganda since President Museveni took power in 1986.

 

 

Oil exploration destroying environment

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Ministry of Environment has no knowledge at all about the petroleum activities, says consultant’s report

It is 2:30 in the afternoon on a Saturday and Henry Irumba, the chairman of the Local Council of  Kaiso Tonya landing site village on Lake Albert is repairing his fishing nets under the shade of his house to avoid the sweltering sun.

“It has become very hot ever since oil exploration activities started here,” Irumba says pointing towards Ngassa II, an oil well located a stone throw away from his home. The well holds over 300 million barrels of oil in Lake Albert , part of the Albertine Graben on western Uganda border with the DRC Congo and home to an estimated 2 billion barrels of oil.

 

Bukenya

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Why the CHOGM case was dropped

On Aug. 18, exactly two months after former Vice President Gilbert Bukenya was arraigned before court over alleged abuse of office and fraudulent practice, the Attorney General, Peter Nyombi, wrote an administrative note to President Yoweri Museveni.

It said in part: “When we met with the Vice President, the Inspector General of Government insisted on the prosecution of Prof. Bukenya in spite of my advice. I am concerned that should prosecution lose the case, Prof. Bukenya will sue government and the compensation will run into hundreds of millions”.

Before this on June 20, Nyombi had written a report to the President outlining his view of the case in which Bukenya was being jointly sued with Motorcare (U) Ltd over the procurement of executive BMW Vehicles and Police Outrider Motorcycles that had been used during the Commonwealth Heads of State and Government Meeting (CHOGM) of 2007 in Kampala.

 

When Uganda, UK favoured one Sudan (Part II)

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The Envoy inquired if there was no midway between, secular state, one Sudan and a theocracy. Hon. Minister responded that Minister Mahdi told him that Sudanese Opposition Leaders cIamour for a secular state in the Sudan but once in power, they found the realities on the ground quite different. The Minister suggested that outsiders like the United Kingdom should persuade the Khartoum regime to see differently since Uganda is regarded as being one-sided.

 

New HIV/Aids treatments

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Jackie Kemigisha shows the positive side of new therapy but what about the cost?

On Tuesdays, the Paediatric Ward at Mulago National Referral Hospital in Kampala is usually packed with young people from as early as 8am. Some stay glued to the big TV screen, while others catch up with friends; hugging and chatting away. To an outsider, it seems like just another hangout place for the youth.

 

Akankwasa’s Shs 900m corruption case fails to scare forests bosses

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His successor is accused of swindling Shs 2bn; Museveni intervenes

If you thought the sacking of former National Forestry Authority (NFA) executive director, Damian Akankwasa, for causing a Shs 2.8 billion financial loss to the organisation cured it of corruption, think again.

Akankwasa’s successor, Hudson Andrua, who was suspended recently, is being accused of causing a financial loss of Shs 2 billion in dubious deals similar to those of Akankwasa. The plot becomes murkier because the group that pushed out Andrua is fighting for the top job and the intrigue has sacked in the line Minister of Water and Environment, Maria Mutagamba, the Inspector General of Government, Raphael Baku, and President Yoweri Museveni.

 

Katongole Singh

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What makes the new Rubaga North MP so powerful?

The new Rubaga North MP, Parminder Singh Katongole, has imprinted himself on the politics of Uganda in an interesting fashion.

In a space of three months, he got the Electoral Commission to implement a vote recount against a court order and gazette him speedily; the recount, later declared ‘of no consequence’ by Judiciary spokesperson Erias Kisawuzi, took place within the precincts of Buganda Road Court; and Parliament brought forward his swearing-in by a day, catching his opponents off guard.

Those events and others have got people asking what makes Singh so powerful.

Asking the diminutive Ugandan of Indian extraction, who spots a ponytail, will not reveal much. He will smile at you, speak to you in Luganda if you like, or English with equal ease. Those who claim to know him will tell you he is tough and easily irritable.

NRM insiders say he is “an asset” to the ruling party as a fundraiser, mainly from the powerful Asian community of traders, industrialists, and large commercial farmers.  A businessman himself, with interests in the popular big concert venue, Kati Kati Restaurant, and Catnkar Limited, a fuel and transport company, he melds well at the class and ethnic interest levels. Within the party, however, he also keeps the right company. NRM insiders say Katongole works closely with the powerful party secretary general and newly appointed Prime Minister, Amama Mbabazi.  In the last election, for example, as the party’s deputy treasurer, he was in charge of all money for campaign activities.

It is not for nothing that party mobilisers at Kyaddondo road call him ‘Uncle Money’, an image he maintained in Rubaga North as he campaigned to enter Parliament. He printed huge campaign posters, dished out money to youth, women and other groups and individuals and donated an ambulance van to the constituency with his campaign picture imprinted on it.

But such power can only carry you up to a point. When his swearing  was brought forward by a day to May 16, acrimony erupted because back in the contested constituency, Rubaga North, his challenger Moses Kasibante was engaged in running battles with the police as he tried to stage a protest against Katongole’s swearing in.

 

What killed Col. Muzoora?

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  • Unknown people dropped body at his home at night.
  • Wife says body was intact but Kayihura insists it was murder.

The death of UPDF dissident Colonel Edison Muzoora has remained a big puzzle two weeks after his body was dumped at his home in Kyeigombe, Kyabugimbi in  Bushenyi district by unidentified people. His mysterious death has indeed sparked several conflicting theories regarding the cause of his death. Was he killed or did he die of natural causes? Another pertinent question is, who brought Muzoora’s body to Uganda?

At about 2:00 am on May 28, a vehicle pulled up at Muzoora’s home in Nyanga, a village with sprawling hills of banana plantations and livestock farms in Kyeigombe, Kyabugimbi sub-county in Igara, Bushenyi district.

According to the deceased’s wife Vasta Muzoora, the occupants of the vehicle did not speak. They hooted about four or five times and left shortly after. She immediately called her son in the Boys Quarters. He came out with his cousin. They had all heard the vehicle but were awe struck, they did not know why the vehicle  had come home at such an odd hour of the night and disappeared mysteriously. They suspected it was thieves who were on a mission to steal their cows. Using torches, they proceeded to check on the cows in the kraal. A few steps into the compound, they saw a human body covered with a cloth, lying near the garage entrance. They called their mother. When she came out, Vasta immediately identified it was the body of her husband, Col. Edison Muzoora. He had last talked to her by telephone on May 2 to congratulate the family upon the baptism party for their youngest child the previous day. He did not tell her whether he was in a poor state of health or he was intending to return to Uganda and where he was calling from.

 

When ‘ghosts’ struck

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The Kitebi saga shows how poor handling of a common issue can turn nasty

Kitebi Day and Boarding Nursery and Primary School in Mutundwe in Rubaga Division of Kampala district, with its old but neat green classroom blocks, teachers blocks and battered fencing on a dusty road, has been in the news lately over alleged demonic attacks.

Months after reports of bizarre stories of demons attacking pupils, demanding human blood, money, alcohol and sex, the pupils in their neat green and white uniforms continue trudging to class and teachers can be heard howling instructions.

 
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Muteesasira DAvid Says:
2012-02-04 15:27:03
The government of Uganda released money for the youth, and Stanbic Bank  was amog the selected banks to take part in distribution process. So my request is   that what are the requirements in orde

Kaija Says:
2012-02-04 16:36:07

Thanks for the correction Peter.


 
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