Since Mr Chris Rutimbirayo Rwakasisi walked out of Luzira Maximum Security Prison in Kampala on January 20, speculation has been rife as why President Yoweri Museveni pardoned the man who spent 20 years on death row.

Rwakasisi, who was the minister for security in the late former President Milton Obote II government, was arrested during the 1985 coup of the late Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. He was on June 30, 1988 convicted on six counts of kidnap with intent to murder. He was sentenced to death.

According to very reliable sources, Rwakasisi owes his freedom not to Museveni’s magnanimity but to the complicated politics of Bushenyi district come 2011.

Bushenyi is a power-house of Uganda’s politics. Prominent NRM politicians from Bushenyi include Local Government minister, Kahinda Otafiire, Disaster Preparedness minister Tarsis Kabwegyere, State minister for Industry Ephraim Kamuntu, Supreme Court judge Bart Katureebe, ex-NRM minister Richard Kaijuka and ex-East African Community secretary general Amanya Mushega.

During Obote II era, Bushenyi had prominent politicians like Yona Kanyomozi, Adonia Tiberondwa, and Edward Rurangaranga.

Bushenyi residents gave Obote his famous pet name; Nyamurunga, or pure white bird after he set up the ‘Uganda Village’ in Ishaka where pilgrims would flock every May 27 for the so-called “Heroes Day”.

Before the 2006 presidential election, Museveni sought to counter that by donating over 100 exotic cattle to peasants in Ruharo, Bumbaire sub-county to set up a model firm.Under Museveni, Bushenyi has become the “model district” in the model region of western Uganda. In return, Bushenyi consistently voted massively for President Museveni in every election.

But Museveni never takes chances with Bushenyi. “Museveni’s politics has always been a battle against Obote and Bushenyi the battlefield,” a prominent citizen told The Independent.  “Rwakasisi’s pardon is Museveni’s latest ploy to ensure that he doesn’t lose Bushenyi in 2011.”

It all started with the success of something called Ebiganiiro, the “let’s-sit-and-talk” sessions modelled on old Ankole culture and organised by Bushenyi politicians opposed to Museveni’s continued rule. In February last year, he visited the area when talk of Ebiganiiro first surfaced and started his own grassroots rallies under the guise of his Bona bagagawale (Prosperity for All) programme.

It was during this visit that he made the now famous remark about: “I hunted and killed my animal, now they want me to go, where should I go?”

At a rally at Mungonya village in Kyeizooba-Igara, Museveni said in Runyankole: “Niinye nahiigire enyamaishwa yangye nkagiita, mbwenu ngu ngyende, nzehi?”

In December last year, President Museveni rushed to Bushenyi again reportedly after his research team told him the Mushega-Kaijuka ekiganiiro group was eroding his support. It is symbolic for Museveni to win in Bushenyi, highly placed sources in State House said. “With the Mushegas and Kaijukas quitting NRM, the source said, “Museveni hopes to bolster his position by getting the old UPC on his side.” That is how Rwakasisi’s pardon comes in. According to the source, Museveni kept Rwakasisi in prison as his “reserve card”.

Initially, Museveni had vowed never to sign Rwakasisi’s execution order or his release certificate. But as Museveni campaigned in Bushenyi late last year literally visiting every household trying to neutralise the opposition, prominent NRM elders led by Ezra Kikuri, a presidential adviser, Bushenyi former LCV chairman Yowasi Makaaru and former  UPC diehard but now NRM zealot Yorokamu Bashaasha convinced him to release Rwakasisi.

They argued the act would portray Museveni as a magnanimous president devoid of vindictiveness. They told him that much as Rwakasisi was still unrepentant, Museveni would score big among the former UPC followers in western Uganda if he released him. It was also designed to disarm some opposition politicians campaigning on tribal and ethnic sentiments in this fragile region.

Religious leaders, especially the bishops from the Anglican and Catholic denominations from the Ankole region also pleaded with Museveni to release Rwakasisi.  But Museveni kept telling them that he would look into their demands. 

Museveni was at crossroads. First, he had to convince the families of the people Rwakasisi was convicted of kidnapping to bury the hatchet and not to feel betrayed.  Museveni reportedly held several meetings with them.

But Minister Ephraim Kamuntu dismissed talk of politicking around Rwakasisi’s pardon. Asked if the president was not responding to the recent reports that both Mushega and Kaijuka were taking away most of the NRM supporters in Bushenyi area through the ebiganiiro gatherings, Kamuntu said that it cannot be true. “Kaijuka brought Besigye to Bushenyi in 2006 and people rejected him in broad daylight,” he said, “My brother, that theory is not true at all.”

Kamuntu further defended Rwakisisi on the numerous allegations that he killed several people. “What is very important is that as countrymen, we should avoid conditions that bring civil wars in this country. Otherwise brothers will kill brothers, parents will kill their sons,” Kamuntu said rather philosophically.

Rwakasisi’s politics

Rwakasisi is a legend in western Uganda. Tales, both true and false, are told about him. A popular one is about the day Mbarara High Court judge Ignatius Mukanza sentenced him to be hanged. Rwakasisi reportedly requested for one moment to say something. Rwakasisi reportedly said he was grateful that he was to die rather than live under the regime of President Museveni. Everybody in the courtroom was shocked except those who knew Rwakasisi well.